Yulia Navalnaya spoke at the Munich Security Conference

A year ago, her journey as a public figure began on this very stage — while she was attending the conference, news broke of Alexei Navalny's murder.

We publish the full text of Yulia's speech:

Ladies and gentlemen,

My name is Yulia Navalnaya.

I stand here today because, one year ago, on February 16 — the opening day of the Munich Security Conference — my husband, Alexei Navalny, was murdered. He was killed by Vladimir Putin.

You all know this. In fact, many of you were in the main hall of this very conference when it happened.

It was HERE in Munich, a year ago, that my journey as a public politician began.

Many of you offered me words of support — sincere, meaningful, and warm. I am very grateful for that.

And now, a year later, we meet again. For me, this past year has been one of endless pain and hard work— the only way I know to cope with grief.

I wanted to do everything in my power to ensure that Alexei’s death was not in vain.

That the sacrifice he made would bring his struggle, his ideas, closer to victory. To his dream of a free, European, and peaceful Russia.

When I announced last year that I would carry on Alexei’s work, that I would step into public politics, tens of thousands of people reached out to me.

From all over the world. But most importantly, from every corner of Russia. From Moscow and from small towns. People of all ages and professions. They believed in Alexei and in his vision for our country.

Putin tried to kill their hope. But they did not give up. They did not back down. And in doing so, they gave me strength. Throughout this painful year, as I traveled every week to meet with someone, I thought of those people.

Of Maria, a copywriter from Electrostal. A small town near Moscow. Of Anton, an engineer from Novosibirsk. As long as it was possible, they attended every protest in Russia. As long as it was possible, they campaigned for independent candidates in elections. They put up flyers of the Anti-corruption Foundation and shared them with their neighbors.

But for the past three years, they have not been able to do any of this. Because now, they would be thrown in prison for it. They would join the list of one thousand five hundred political prisoners in Russia. They are not ready for that. But they can’t flee. Maria has a sick mother. Anton simply does not want to leave his hometown; his home country. They are neither seen nor heard.

But does that mean they don’t exist? Have their beliefs changed? Have they suddenly started loving Putin? No.

They are here, they exist — Maria, Anton, and millions more like them.

Over the past year as I met with dozen of politicians, leaders, journalists, and experts, I tried to be their voice. To represent them while their own voices were silenced by Putin’s repressive machine and propaganda.

And what did I hear in return? To my great surprise — No, I must be honest — to my great disappointment! To my disappointment, some of my interlocutors spoke and acted as if they were convinced of two things:

— That Putin will never disappear.

— That Russia will, at some point, simply vanish.

It sounds strange. I would even say — it sounds absurd, doesn’t it? And yet, we see constant attempts in the West to engage with Putin, to negotiate with him. As if Putin were a permanent fixture. A long-term factor in global politics.

At the same time, we see no real effort to engage with Russia. With Russians. With Maria and Anton. As if they don’t exist. As if you could just close your eyes and they would disappear.

Not in this terrible past year. Not in the three years of full-scale war that Putin unleashed against Ukraine. Not  in the 11 years since the annexation of Crimea. Not in the 18 years since Putin stood here in Munich and delivered his famous speech, openly declaring his course of confrontation with the West…

In all that time, no real effort has been made to develop a clear and coherent Western strategy toward Russia. A strategy aimed at reaching out to Russia that wants to be part of Europe, that is fighting against dictatorship and war.

The Russia that now sits in prison. Whose leaders have been poisoned and murdered. While I may feel uneasy stating such simple, obvious truth from this stage, I will keep repeating  it.

For this privilege, my family and I have paid the highest, most terrible price:

— Putin will soon be gone.

— Russia will be free.

And any rational strategy toward Russia must be build on this fundamental truth. There is no point in trying to negotiate with Putin. But even if you decide to negotiate with him, just remember:

He will lie. He will betray. He will change the rules at the last moment and force you to play his game.

Just as he did a year ago, when it seemed that a prisoner-exchange-deal was imminent, and Alexey Navalny would be freed.

There are only two possible outcomes for any deal with Putin: If he remains in power, he will find a way to break the agreement. If he loses power, the agreement will become meaningless.

But Russia will outlive him.

The war that Putin started—by his own decision—will end the moment he is gone. And a window of opportunity will open. A chance to prevent a new dictatorship in Russia. A chance to return Russia to the European path. 

This window will be narrow, and action will need to be swift. Which means the plan must be ready now. A plan that speaks to the millions of Russians who are in the underground resistance, in internal exile within the country — And to those who have fled abroad but dream of returning the moment it becomes possible.

To people like Maria, Anton — or… Yulia.

To those who love Russia and believe in it.

Just as my husband, Alexei Navalny, loved and believed in it.

The future belongs to these people.

But right now, they need your help and support.

Thank you.